It’s raining this morning, here in
Montevideo, in the south of the
south. The rain is coming down hard,
the sky overcast and gray. However,
it’s impossible to shake off the
sensations awakened by our recent
experience, just days ago, as we
were suffocating in the heat of the
dusty
Trans-Amazonian highway in the Brazilian
state of
Pará,
some 600 kilometers south of its
capital, Belém do
Pará.
A team from the IUF Latin American
Regional Office, formed by Álvaro
Santos, Emiliano Camacho and myself,
had arrived there to begin our field
work, the outcome of which was to be
a 20-minute documentary -now being
edited-, one of the key components
of the international campaign
against rural violence in Brazil
that will be launched in the next
few weeks jointly by IUF and the
Confederation of Women and Men
Farmers of Brazil (CONTAG).*
This work plan, developed together
with the Federation of Agricultural
Workers (FETAGRI) of the state of
Pará, began to take form in
Marabá.
In the outskirts of this city we met
one of Dedé’s
sons, the sole survivor of a
massacre that still remains
unpunished, where labor activist
Dedé was
murdered along with his wife and
younger son. The murderers
were set free by decision of the
court. We were introduced to the
Fundação
Agraria do
Tocantins
Araguaia,
an educational and professional
training center for young farmers
and peasants that uses a methodology
known as “alternation pedagogy,”
whereby students spend 15 days at
school and return home for the rest
of the month so as not to neglect
their families’ productive
activities. The center also carries
out various projects connected with
community learning, cooperation and
natural resource management.
A few kilometers from
Marabá
we visited a settlement of more than
80 families of landless farmers who
have been struggling for the last
three years to be granted an
unproductive piece of land that
they’ve already occupied three
times, and from which they’ve been
driven out three times. They are now
living in what were once pigpens
-given to them by a neighboring
settlement- where they lack both
electricity and water.
In Rondón do
Pará we met Joel, the widow
of the rural leader
Dezinho,
murdered two years ago. Joel was
later elected president of the Union
of Rural Workers of Rondón, and due
to the death threats she constantly
receives she needs to be protected
by a bodyguard around the clock.
In Paraupebas
we heard of the murder of rural
leader Soares,
recounted by his brother and
Indio, a
fellow union member. We also
gathered the testimony of the widow
of Antonio do
Alho, a former rural labor
leader and
advisor to the local
Prefeitura’s
Secretary of Agriculture,
murdered just three months ago.
Antonio left behind four children,
the youngest barely four months old.
After traveling down a long stretch
of the
Trans-Amazonian highway, we reached
Pacajá, where we came upon
Dorival,
a local leader who was forced to
flee his plot of land, in search of
a safer situation in town, after
receiving a death threat.
We then went on to
Anapú,
the small city that had been home to
the American-Brazilian nun
Dorothy
Stang, a
member of the Sisters of
Notre
Dame de Namur, murdered a few months
back, after 25 years of continuous
threats and intimidations. There we
spoke with
Janine, another American nun,
who over the last 20 years had
fought alongside
Dorothy.
The landless peasant community
shared with us their testimony and
memory of the murdered nun, and we
also heard from
Chiquinho, president of the
local rural workers’ union, who was
Dorothy’s
spiritual son and former PT
candidate for mayor. He has also
received death threats from the same
“consortium” that murdered Sister
Dorothy.
From Anapú
we traveled to
Santarem, where we met with
Ivete,
president of the peasant’s union,
who has been threatened to death by
soybean growers and “fazendeiros”
(large landowners) that have taken
over millions of hectares of public
lands which used to be selva,
tropical rainforests, and have now
been turned into grasslands and
crops undergoing a rapid process of
desertification.
Ivete
comes from a traditional community
that has always lived in the
rainforest and whose livelihood
consists of gathering various
products of the forest. She led us
to two “quilombola”
communities that live along the
banks of the
Tocantins river, deep inside
the “mata”, or bush. There we saw
firsthand the consequences of the
pressure that is exerted by dominant
economic interests over these
communities, to force them out of
their villages so that they can take
over the rainforest that provides
their livelihoods.
Quilombos
are black communities originally
formed by fugitive slaves that
sought refuge in the rainforest, and
who often mixed with the indigenous
groups they found in the places they
settled in. They have inhabited
these lands for centuries, and their
remaining there is one of the best
chances the forest has of surviving,
as they live off it and know it
better than anyone. However, they
are under a continuous threat of
violence.
Finally, a few kilometers from
Belém,
we found the family of
Rejane
–her widower and two children. She
was an activist of the peasant
women’s movement of the region, who
was murdered ten years ago in her
own home, in front of her small
children and nieces and nephews. Her
murder, like all the others, remains
unpunished, because while her killer
was arrested a few minutes after
slaying her, the Police made sure he
was silenced, as he was shot “while
trying to escape” -as they say- from
the police station. The killer was
also killed that same day, and the
people behind the murder were never
exposed.
Rejane’s family gave us a moving
testimony of the love that this
intelligent, warm, and beautiful
woman from Bahia put into everything
she did in life.
These people fought in the “first
line of fire,” where the
“grilleros”** burn thousands and
thousands of hectares of rainforest
to take over those lands without
having any legal titles -and when
they do have them, they’re always
forged-, and exploit it for the few
remaining years of fertility, as the
land is inevitably condemned to
desertification. The alliance formed
by newly rich adventurers, retired
and active military officers who
began their own feudal dynasties
during the dictatorship of the
1960s, fine wood exporters that have
cut down nearly 40% of the finest
trees in the Brazilian Amazonia and
continue to advance, and cattle
ranchers and soybean growers,
extending over huge strips of
misappropriated lands, constitutes a
strong power factor that -apart from
rare and honorable exceptions-
dominates the local Courts, Police
and government. The traditional
passivity of the State -which is
actually an expression of the
complicity and connivance of each
new government- has changed somewhat
since the murder of Sister
Dorothy, which
had a great impact worldwide.
The government of Lula da Silva has
sent several military and Federal
Police forces to the area, who are
supposedly less influenced by local
pressures. In the “trenches” of the
struggle for land and against
impunity -key elements of this
institutionalized violence- things
haven’t changed much. People may
breath a little easier, but fear is
still the language in which every
day life is written.
Despite that fear, the people we
interviewed have decided not only to
continue to fight where they live,
but also, and more importantly, to
remain there because that is where
they want to live.
The cry that echoes in the south of
Pará,
and throughout rural Brazil, is not
a mournful cry, it’s not a lament,
it’s a call to live, to celebrate
life and the wealth through which
life expresses itself in these
lands. A cry so deep and strong that
sooner or later it will bury forever
the messengers of death, ignorance
and selfishness. Whatever the cost
may be.
Carlos Amorín
© Rel-UITA
October 17, 2005
*
Rel-UITA
thanks FETAGRI for the support it
provided locally, and Cesar Ramos,
Carmen Helena Ferreira, and Paulo
Caralo
of CONTAG.
** Thus called
because in order to forge the titles
to the lands, by giving them an
“aged” look, they place them in
boxes with crickets (“grilos”),
whose urine gives the paper that
yellowish color.