If the first day of talks between President Zelaya, de facto authorities and the
OAS mission is any indication, “The Mountains In Labor” would be a more
appropriate name for the so-called “Guaymuras Dialogue.” As the dialogue began,
police and army forces brutally repressed mobilizations throughout the capital,
while the 51 people accused of sedition for occupying the National Agricultural
Institute (INA) were released on bail.
What was to be
a historical day for the Honduran people, quickly emerged as a media show
carefully planned by the de facto government. On Oct. 7, the Guaymuras Dialogue
began amidst great fanfare and an inexplicable deployment of police forces.
In the first
day of talks, de facto foreign minister Carlos López Contrera, Zelaya
representative Victor Meza, and OAS secretary-general José
Miguel Insulza all spoke and revealed a major distance between the parties.
While for the
OAS and Zelaya delegations it is imperative to resume discussions of
the Arias Plan, reinstate President Manuel Zelaya in office, and put off
elections until democracy is fully restored in the country, the de facto
government is participating in the talks purely with the intent of legitimizing
the Nov. 29 elections before the international community.
Having
categorically ruled out the possibility of reinstating Zelaya in a
previous meeting with the OAS mission, de facto president Roberto
Micheletti now repeated that he might be willing to step down if a third
person were named to replace him, and cautioned that any resolution would have
to be adopted in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of Honduras.
Micheletti
also
said that as head of state he could not assume any commitments on behalf of the
other branches of government, and that “there is no way that the elections will
be canceled; the only way that will happen is force is used, if the country is
invaded.”
For his part,
OAS secretary-general Juan Miguel Insulza underlined the
importance of recognizing that ousting a constitutional president is not an
effective way to solve a situation; on the contrary, after more than 100 days
the situation remains untenable.
Insulza
called on everyone to recognize the need to change direction or else risk
regional and international rejection of the election’s outcome, and asked that
constitutional guarantees be reestablished, that all the media closed down be
reopened, that the delegations be given powers to adopt binding agreements, and
that clear and short-term deadlines be set for the conclusion of negotiations.
He also asked
that the parties come to the negotiating table in good faith and without a
hidden agenda, leaving their prejudices and fears aside.
Resistance movement joins dialogue but remains critical
Following the
first day of dialogue, the National Front Against the Coup issued a
communication reaffirming its conviction that “dialogue is the best way to solve
differences, and as token of our willingness to find a solution to the current
political crisis, we have decided to send a representative, our general
coordinator, Juan Barahona, to the poorly termed “Guaymuras
Dialogue” convened by the de facto regime.”
The press
release went on to caution that “in order for any dialogue to be viable, the
parties must act with sincerity and certain minimum conditions must be observed,
as without that it will be a futile exercise.”
The
Resistance movement explained that it was participating as a counterpart and
not as a delegate of Zelaya, and that no dialogue would be possible as
long as certain conditions remain unchanged, including the Official Gazette’s
failure to publish the decree that lifted the state of siege, and the fact that
members of the resistance are still being killed, and dozens of people are being
tried for sedition and persecuted.
The
communication cited the case of the peasants who occupied the INA
peacefully for three months (now released on bail) and the indigenous group that
requested asylum in the Guatemala embassy.
The National
Front Against the Coup demanded that the de facto government cease its
persecution of media outlets that do not share the regime’s views, and that it
remove the military barricade surrounding the Brazilian embassy.
“As long as
these conditions persist, the National Front Against the Coup will not
allow its representatives to join what is only a dialogue in name,” Juan
Barahona said at the end of the first session.
“For the time
being we only agreed on the agenda for the next few days, which includes three
points. First, the San José Agreement, whose first clause is the reinstatement
of President Zelaya, will be analyzed. Second, if no agreement is
reached, possible amendments to the agreement will be considered. And third,
conditions for a new political and social will be discussed.
“For us,”
Barahona continued, “the unconditional reinstatement of President Zelaya
is non-negotiable, and neither is the demand that the coup perpetrators be
punished, and that a National Constituent Assembly be convened. Honduran society
and the international community have understood the magnitude of this conflict
and our struggle to undo the coup.”
“Allowing the
de facto regime to be consolidated in Honduras is tantamount to allowing
the possibility of similar coups being staged in other countries of the
continent, because the ultimate goal of the coup is to stop the processes of
change that are underway,” he said.
“I’m skeptical,
but over the next few days we will see who’s willing to find a real solution to
the crisis and if there are some who are merely putting on a political show to
strengthen the electoral farce that is aimed at legitimizing the coup
candidates,” the Resistance leader concluded.
Repression and more repression
While the first
session of the dialogue was being held in a Tegucigalpa hotel, the police and
the army cracked down on hundreds of people gathered in front of the U.S.
embassy, spraying teargas and firing rubber bullets against the demonstrators,
who planned to march to the Guatemalan embassy, where twelve members of
the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH)
have requested asylum.
Despite the
repression, people took spontaneously to the streets in several points of the
capital to protest.
Students of the
National Autonomous University of Honduras (UNAH) blocked Boulevard
Suyapa, burning tires and defying the authorities, while a large caravan of
vehicles drove down the main avenues of Tegucigalpa, and concentrated in front
of one of the military posts blockading the Brazilian embassy. In this
case too, special police corps dispersed protesters, threatening them with
teargas.
At night,
thousands of people throughout Tegucigalpa staged a “cacerolazo,” banging pots
and pans in the streets to protest and demand the immediate reinstatement of
President Zelaya.
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