Numerous
organizations have realized the urgent need to fight for an inclusive sectorial
policy favoring the weak and guaranteeing national food security.
On August 3,
2008, Andrés Felipe
Arias
(former Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development of Colombia),
in an effort to stigmatize 50 percent of the milk sold through “informal
channels,” and which according to him is “poison,” asked audiences in a
televised conference, “What am I going to give my baby?”
Similarly, on
November 28, 2010, at the
Fedegan
(Colombian Federation of Cattle Ranchers) congress, current Minister Juan
Camilo Restrepo noted that “informality” is the leading “bottleneck” in the
dairy chain. Both these authorities, then, point to the same culprit of the
sector’s troubles.
FAO,
instead, says Colombia is no exception to a global problem of “producers
vulnerable” to actions of large industry.
One out of every two cattle
ranchers has less than ten heads of cattle. Each cow gives an average of five
liters of milk a day. A significant proportion of women from rural households
work to supplement their family’s income. The majority of the animals raised are
not meant specifically either for meat or milk production, and rather serve a
“double purpose.” This limits the number of herds that are large enough to meet
global standards, as is required by the local technocracy. To complicate the
situation even more, 85 percent of all pasteurized milk production is controlled
by an oligopoly.
Colombia,
Brazil, or India – they all have other channels, with small-scale
suppliers, low-income consumers, and small byproduct companies. But this segment
of the market is under fire from large companies.
The
government, acting in collusion with large business, has issued decrees banning
the sale of raw milk, despite the fact that the WHO has declared that,
when boiled, raw milk is perfectly healthy food. The government has also
accepted the inclusion of dairy chapters in six FTAs to allow the
subsidiaries of these companies to import milk into a domestic market that is
self-sufficient.
It turns a
blind eye on stores and supermarkets that sell dairy beverages made from milk
whey and other deceptive industrial products that lack any real nutrients and
prey on the good faith of consumers. More seriously still, it enables companies
to pay producers below official prices, as is happening today, when at this
point in 2011 prices have yet to be adjusted.
A legacy left
by Arias that Restrepo is continuing.
Through the
above and other means, neoliberal interests are aiming to replace a significant
portion of domestic dairy production with foreign milk.
The industry lacks the capacity to
process the 6.5 billion liters produced per year, so what will happen when a
percentage of milk production is banned as of March 10? Where will the processed
milk to replace it come from?
Numerous
organizations have understood the urgent need to demand an inclusive sectorial
policy favoring the weak and guaranteeing national food security, and have
joined forces to oppose this “public-private” alliance that plans to turn the
country into just another conquest in the quest of the powerful for a “new dairy
world.”
It will be a
tight struggle, starting today, March 9.