Numerous 
organizations have realized the urgent need to fight for an inclusive sectorial 
policy favoring the weak and guaranteeing national food security.
 
On August 3, 
2008, Andrés Felipe 
Arias 
(former Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development of Colombia), 
in an effort to stigmatize 50 percent of the milk sold through “informal 
channels,” and which according to him is “poison,” asked audiences in a 
televised conference, “What am I going to give my baby?” 
 
Similarly, on 
November 28, 2010, at the 
Fedegan 
(Colombian Federation of Cattle Ranchers) congress, current Minister Juan 
Camilo Restrepo noted that “informality” is the leading “bottleneck” in the 
dairy chain. Both these authorities, then, point to the same culprit of the 
sector’s troubles.
 
FAO, 
instead, says Colombia is no exception to a global problem of “producers 
vulnerable” to actions of large industry. 
 
One out of every two cattle 
ranchers has less than ten heads of cattle. Each cow gives an average of five 
liters of milk a day. A significant proportion of women from rural households 
work to supplement their family’s income. The majority of the animals raised are 
not meant specifically either for meat or milk production, and rather serve a 
“double purpose.” This limits the number of herds that are large enough to meet 
global standards, as is required by the local technocracy. To complicate the 
situation even more, 85 percent of all pasteurized milk production is controlled 
by an oligopoly.
 
Colombia,
Brazil, or India – they all have other channels, with small-scale 
suppliers, low-income consumers, and small byproduct companies. But this segment 
of the market is under fire from large companies.
 
 The 
government, acting in collusion with large business, has issued decrees banning 
the sale of raw milk, despite the fact that the WHO has declared that, 
when boiled, raw milk is perfectly healthy food. The government has also 
accepted the inclusion of dairy chapters in six FTAs to allow the 
subsidiaries of these companies to import milk into a domestic market that is 
self-sufficient. 
 
It turns a 
blind eye on stores and supermarkets that sell dairy beverages made from milk 
whey and other deceptive industrial products that lack any real nutrients and 
prey on the good faith of consumers. More seriously still, it enables companies 
to pay producers below official prices, as is happening today, when at this 
point in 2011 prices have yet to be adjusted. 
 
A legacy left 
by Arias that Restrepo is continuing.
 
Through the 
above and other means, neoliberal interests are aiming to replace a significant 
portion of domestic dairy production with foreign milk. 
The industry lacks the capacity to 
process the 6.5 billion liters produced per year, so what will happen when a 
percentage of milk production is banned as of March 10? Where will the processed 
milk to replace it come from? 
 
Numerous 
organizations have understood the urgent need to demand an inclusive sectorial 
policy favoring the weak and guaranteeing national food security, and have 
joined forces to oppose this “public-private” alliance that plans to turn the 
country into just another conquest in the quest of the powerful for a “new dairy 
world.” 
 
It will be a 
tight struggle, starting today, March 9.