Tens of thousands of
people mobilized throughout Honduras to
defend democracy as threats of a coup to
oust President José Manuel Zelaya grew
stronger last week, amidst obscure
maneuvers to boycott the referendum
called for Sunday, June 28.
On Friday, June 26, as the country
regained a certain calm, social
organizations and trade unions were
volunteering to participate directly in
the distribution of election material to
vote reception boards, in an effort to
guarantee that the referendum would be
held peacefully on Sunday, allowing
Hondurans for the first time ever to
express themselves on a such major issue
as the establishment in 2010 of a
Constituent Assembly that could change
the history of Honduras.
SIREL met on Friday with
Carlos H. Reyes, general secretary
of the Union of Beverage and Related
Industry Workers (STIBYS) and
independent candidate for the November
presidential elections, to discuss the
events of the past week and how the
situation stood.
-What is your political assessment of
the events of the last few days?
-When the current Constitution was
drafted in 1981, both the country and
the region were under a low intensity
war sponsored by the United
States and its ambassador to
Honduras, John Dimitri
Negroponte.
Honduras was officially governed by
civilians, but it was the military that
effectively ruled the country, under the
command of General Gustavo
Álvarez Martínez, a murderer
who ordered the death of countless
civilians. In that context, the business
sector, following instructions from the
United States embassy, set out to
achieve two goals: the sale of
Honduras, and the reduction of the
State with the purported aim of
eliminating poverty. These two
principles permeated the Constitution,
with the ensuing effect of advancing a
neoliberal agenda and everything that
such a model entails.
In 2005, the country reached its most
critical moment with the signing of the
Free Trade Agreement with the United
States (DR-CAFTA),
which unleashed an intense wave of
protests led by our social movements.
The DR-CAFTA delivered a
final blow to the Constitution, and we
saw that it was time to form a
Constituent Assembly to rewrite the
Constitution and recover our
sovereignty.
President Zelaya has now taken up
this issue, and although the current
Constitution does not stipulate any
mechanisms for consulting the people, he
called a popular poll that has received
strong attacks from different sectors,
with a media-led psychological campaign
ridden with lies and slanders aimed at
frightening voters.
The attacks went as far as using violent
means against demonstrators who were
expressing their support for the
referendum.
Fabio
Ochoa, a grassroots leader from
the department of Colón who has fought
alongside the former banana workers
affected by Nemagon, was seriously
injured by gunfire as he was leaving a
TV station where he had publicly
announced the need to form a Constituent
Assembly to reform the Constitution. No
media reported this crime.
In light of that situation, what we’ve
seen over the past few days shows a
clear attempt to prevent the people from
voicing their opinion in a poll and
deciding whether they want a new
Constitution or not.
What we want is for
Hondurans to begin an
in-depth policy debate, a
discussion on the appalling
state that the neoliberal
model has left the country
in. And that’s what they
don’t want. They don’t want
to let the people become
involved in politics. They
want to prevent them from
engaging in a political
debate on national issues. |
-Most of the branches of government
and state institutions have declared
their opposition to the referendum and
the Fourth Ballot Box, as the initiative
is known. What do you attribute this
opposition to?
-The fact that they’re against it and
that they’ve pushed the President into
this institutional isolation is a clear
indication that they don’t want to allow
the people to express themselves. And
what is it they’re afraid of? That with
a new Constitution the people will have
the possibility and the necessary
correlation of power in a National
Constitutional Assembly to regain
control over the country’s natural
resources, especially underground
resources. I’m talking about the
certainty that there are oil deposits in
the country, and large national and
transnational corporations fear that
they will miss out on a huge business if
a new Constitution stipulates State
ownership over such resources.
At present, 30 percent of the national
territory has been granted to foreign
mining companies under concessions, and
the same is true for water resources. A
Constitution that puts a ban on private
exploitation is something that terrifies
national and foreign companies.
But we’re also talking of business
operators who don’t want to pay taxes.
Before 1970, the State’s fiscal revenue
was 25 percent of the GDP, and today the
fiscal revenue stands at only 14
percent. A Constitution that establishes
a redistributive fiscal policy is
another issue that the business sector
doesn’t even want to hear about. They
don’t want to lose any of the privileges
they have. Meanwhile, 80 percent of the
population lives in poverty or extreme
poverty.
-Are social movements supporting
President Zelaya?
-President Zelaya has received
direct support from significant sectors
of his party, while the three labor
confederations, the Popular Bloc of
Honduras, and a number of social
organizations support Sunday’s
referendum and not President Zelaya.
We are in favor of a new Constitution,
but we believe that President Zelaya
must step down when he completes his
term on January 27, 2010. What we want
is for Hondurans to begin an in-depth
policy debate, a discussion on the
appalling state that the neoliberal
model has left the country in. And
that’s what they don’t want. They don’t
want to let the people become involved
in politics. They want to prevent them
from engaging in a political debate on
national issues.
-Do you think the referendum will be
held normally on Sunday?
-The fact that the Army will not be
participating in the logistics will
certainly cause problems. However, there
are a lot of volunteers who are willing
to collaborate and work for it to
happen. There are going to be
difficulties, but I think that
ultimately we’ll make it possible for
people to vote.
The people are mobilizing and ready to
defend their right to vote.