Chile

 
Pinochet

The dog is dead,

but the rabies still persists

 

 

 Former dictator Augusto Pinochet achieved many of the things he set out to do, but by dying of natural causes in a hospital bed, having reached a very old age, surrounded by loved ones and with a fan club –however poor in numbers– mourning him in the streets, he has no doubt accomplished his final and most macabre dream.

 

Other articles featured here provide facts and details concerning the last weeks of his life, the hundreds of reports denouncing murders, disappearances, tortures and other human rights violations, and the several actions that were pending against him. They also tell of a sordid fortune, amassed by murdering, stealing, and arms and drug trafficking, increased with barely-veiled compensations for his subservience to the great global powers, for the betrayal of his people and his neighboring nations.

 

The “timorousness” of the Chilean justice system in this case leaves us all today with a sickeningly bitter taste in our mouths. A timorousness that contrasts with the vigorous attitude displayed in other cases, such as the one involving three Uruguayan military officers who, acting on Pinochet’s orders, kidnapped the chemist Eugenio Berríos and held him captive in Uruguay, under democratic rule. The body of Berríos would later be found buried in a Uruguayan beach. These three military officers were extradited to Chile, where they were charged and released on bail, without permission to leave the country. The “general”, however, went on laughing.

 

Pinochet was not an evil specter, but rather the most finely-tuned product of an army bred from the start in the purest and harshest of Prussian traditions, spiked with strong doses of Nazism and Catholic fundamentalism. Pinochet, his regime, turned Chile into a gigantic laboratory, where the most abhorrent theories of the Chicago Boys were applied. The economists of death found a perfect executor in the butcher of Santiago. When the invisibility of the opposers forced the human hunt to come to an end, a ruthless neoliberalism began to lay down the foundations of an economic model that, with some variations, persists to this day.

Pinochet:

El oro,

la sangre

y el infierno

 

Por

Arnaldo Pérez Guerra

 

Convenio La Insignia / Rel-UITA

 

Pinochet rode into power on the back of the Cold War and with his saddlebags loaded with ammunition from the ITT Corporation; his mission was to reduce to ashes what was then one of the most organized and politically active and aware peoples of Latin America. The cruelty, the brutally of the repression were proportional to the fear that these popular organizations raised in the local and global dominating classes.

 

In addition to political repression, workers suffered labor repression. No more unions, no more talking about labor rights, no more collective bargaining agreements, wages reduced to nothing more than a handout, and to anyone who dared protest: lead. The “Chilean model” was not only built on 30 thousand disappeared, but also on a suffocated, threatened, controlled, persecuted and starved people.

 

Pinochet and his henchmen went farther than anyone else in the construction of a regime that placed no limits on business. It didn’t take long for transnational corporations to perceive the enormous benefits offered by that national military complex that behaved like an occupation army, and they set up shop in Chile with great fanfare. The foundations of that system remain to a great extent intact. The political and legal impunity secured by Pinochet and the social sectors that backed him and benefited from his crimes forces us to keep a very careful watch on Chile’s future. A struggle that will be decisive for the identity of the Chilean people is sure to start soon, while the echoes of the murderer’s death are still resounding, a struggle that will force Chilean society to face the dilemma of defining the place that Pinochet –and everything he symbolizes– will occupy in the country’s history. A task that in the end will symmetrically place in those same pages of history that other face of Chile: the humanizing and democratizing face that was symbolized –and is still symbolized– by Salvador Allende.

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Chile 1973-2003

A treinta años

del golpe de Estado

 

 

The signs are not promising. Not just in Chile, but in Argentina as well, where, for example, we should be greatly alarmed by the recent and as yet unexplained disappearance of Julio López, a key witness in the trials against the genocidal murderer Etchecolatz, and by the relentless campaign of threats and intimidations that is being waged against well-known human rights activists in that country, many of whom are survivors of the extermination camps of the “dirty war”. In Brazil, President Lula continues to ignore the requests that human rights bodies have been making for years, calling on him to open the military files so that the people can learn the true story of Brazil’s dictatorship, another military regime that introduced an economic model –the “Brazilian miracle”– that preceded the model implemented by Pinochet and which, in many aspects, it heralded.

 

Meanwhile, in Uruguay the most notorious military and police officers accused of commanding the repression under the Plan Condor –another invention of the butcher of Santiago– have been judicially charged and are awaiting trial in jail, along with the former dictator Juan María Bordaberry and his Foreign Affairs Minister, Juan Carlos Blanco. These actions by Uruguay’s Justice system are a clear step forward in the quest for justice, still hindered by the Law of Expiry of the Punitive Powers of the State, whose annulment is now being sought by important sectors of society, through a campaign which Rel-UITA supports and participates in. Nevertheless, we still need to implement the first part of the demand voiced for so long by the left now in power: truth. The reports provided by the military concerning the fate of the disappeared have been blatant disinformation operations, and here too the military files are protected in the shadows of the heavily guarded military headquarters.

 

Pinochet’s death should be a call for reflection on the powerful consequences left by the military dictatorships on the societies of Latin America, it must lead us to track, analyze and expose the traces of impunity, it must reinforce our commitment to an unwavering struggle for democracy with social justice, with memory, with justice for all and with dignity.

 

Let nobody forget the butcher of Santiago… and let nobody ever fear him again!

 

 

Gerardo Iglesias and Carlos Amorín

© Rel-UITA

December 13, 2006

 

Foto: jurist.law.pitt.edu

 

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