Pinochet
The dog is dead,
but the rabies still persists |
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Former
dictator Augusto Pinochet achieved many
of the things he set out to do, but by
dying of natural causes in a hospital
bed, having reached a very old age,
surrounded by loved ones and with a fan
club –however poor in numbers– mourning
him in the streets, he has no doubt
accomplished his final and most macabre
dream.
Other articles featured here provide
facts and details concerning the last
weeks of his life, the hundreds of
reports denouncing murders,
disappearances, tortures and other human
rights violations, and the several
actions that were pending against him.
They also tell of a sordid fortune,
amassed by murdering, stealing, and arms
and drug trafficking, increased with
barely-veiled compensations for his
subservience to the great global powers,
for the betrayal of his people and his
neighboring nations.
The “timorousness” of the Chilean
justice system in this case leaves us
all today with a sickeningly bitter
taste in our mouths. A timorousness that
contrasts with the vigorous attitude
displayed in other cases, such as the
one involving three Uruguayan military
officers who, acting on Pinochet’s
orders, kidnapped the chemist Eugenio
Berríos and held him captive in Uruguay,
under democratic rule. The body of
Berríos would later be found buried in a
Uruguayan beach. These three military
officers were extradited to Chile, where
they were charged and released on bail,
without permission to leave the country.
The “general”, however, went on
laughing.
Pinochet was not an evil specter, but
rather the most finely-tuned product of
an army bred from the start in the
purest and harshest of Prussian
traditions, spiked with strong doses of
Nazism and Catholic fundamentalism.
Pinochet, his regime, turned Chile into
a gigantic laboratory, where the most
abhorrent theories of the Chicago Boys
were applied. The economists of death
found a perfect executor in the butcher
of Santiago. When the invisibility of
the opposers forced the human hunt to
come to an end, a ruthless neoliberalism
began to lay down the foundations of an
economic model that, with some
variations, persists to this day.
Pinochet rode into power on the back of
the Cold War and with his saddlebags
loaded with ammunition from the ITT
Corporation; his mission was to reduce
to ashes what was then one of the most
organized and politically active and
aware peoples of Latin America. The
cruelty, the brutally of the repression
were proportional to the fear that these
popular organizations raised in the
local and global dominating classes.
In addition to political repression,
workers suffered labor repression. No
more unions, no more talking about labor
rights, no more collective bargaining
agreements, wages reduced to nothing
more than a handout, and to anyone who
dared protest: lead. The “Chilean model”
was not only built on 30 thousand
disappeared, but also on a suffocated,
threatened, controlled, persecuted and
starved people.
Pinochet and his henchmen went farther than anyone else in the
construction of a regime that placed no limits on business. It
didn’t take long for transnational corporations to perceive the
enormous benefits offered by that national military complex that
behaved like an occupation army, and they set up shop in Chile with
great fanfare. The foundations of that system remain to a great
extent intact. The political and legal impunity secured by Pinochet
and the social sectors that backed him and benefited from his crimes
forces us to keep a very careful watch on Chile’s future. A struggle
that will be decisive for the identity of the Chilean people is sure
to start soon, while the echoes of the murderer’s death are still
resounding, a struggle that will force Chilean society to face the
dilemma of defining the place that Pinochet –and everything he
symbolizes– will occupy in the country’s history. A task that in the
end will symmetrically place in those same pages of history that
other face of Chile: the humanizing and democratizing face that was
symbolized –and is still symbolized– by Salvador Allende.
sección especial
Chile 1973-2003
A treinta años
del golpe de Estado
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The signs are not promising. Not just in
Chile, but in Argentina as well, where,
for example, we should be greatly
alarmed by the recent and as yet
unexplained disappearance of Julio López,
a key witness in the trials against the
genocidal murderer Etchecolatz, and by
the relentless campaign of threats and
intimidations that is being waged
against well-known human rights
activists in that country, many of whom
are survivors of the extermination camps
of the “dirty war”. In Brazil, President
Lula continues to ignore the requests
that human rights bodies have been
making for years, calling on him to open
the military files so that the people
can learn the true story of Brazil’s
dictatorship, another military regime
that introduced an economic model –the
“Brazilian miracle”– that preceded the
model implemented by Pinochet and which,
in many aspects, it heralded.
Meanwhile, in Uruguay the most notorious
military and police officers accused of
commanding the repression under the Plan
Condor –another invention of the butcher
of Santiago– have been judicially
charged and are awaiting trial in jail,
along with the former dictator Juan
María Bordaberry and his Foreign Affairs
Minister, Juan Carlos Blanco. These
actions by Uruguay’s Justice system are
a clear step forward in the quest for
justice, still hindered by the Law of
Expiry of the Punitive Powers of the
State, whose annulment is now being
sought by important sectors of society,
through a campaign which Rel-UITA
supports and participates in.
Nevertheless, we still need to implement
the first part of the demand voiced for
so long by the left now in power: truth.
The reports provided by the military
concerning the fate of the disappeared
have been blatant disinformation
operations, and here too the military
files are protected in the shadows of
the heavily guarded military
headquarters.
Pinochet’s death should be a call for
reflection on the powerful consequences
left by the military dictatorships on
the societies of Latin America, it must
lead us to track, analyze and expose the
traces of impunity, it must reinforce
our commitment to an unwavering struggle
for democracy with social justice, with
memory, with justice for all and with
dignity.
Let nobody forget the butcher of
Santiago… and let nobody ever fear him
again!
Gerardo Iglesias and
Carlos Amorín
© Rel-UITA
December 13, 2006
Foto: jurist.law.pitt.edu
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